Ingin berjalan-jalan sambil berolahraga? Atau ingin berkeliling kota Taipei secara hemat dan ramah lingkungan? Ada satu solusinya, yaitu dengan bersepeda . Taipei merupakan salah satu kota di dunia yang “ramah” terhadap pengguna sepeda, dengan fasilitas jalur sepeda yang nyaman.

Pemerintah kota Taipei, dalam hal ini Departemen Transportasi, memberikan fasilitas transportasi “umum” yang baru berupa sepeda dengan sistem sewa. Fasilitas sepeda sewa ini disebut U-bike. Untuk menyewa sepeda ini sangat murah lho! Untuk pemakaian di bawah 30 menit, dihitung gratis, dan selebihnya tidak terlalu mahal.

Sistem penyewaan sepeda ini ditujukan untuk mendorong masyarakat untuk menggunakan sepeda sebagai kendaraan transit jarak pendek. Selain itu, adanya sepeda juga mendorong masyarakat untuk menggunakan kendaraan rendah energi, mengurangi polusi lingkungan, dan meminimalisir penggunaan kendaraan bermotor (untuk kasus Taipei, penggunaan motor).

Sebagai informasi, Taipei bukanlah yang pertama menerapkan sistem ini di Taiwan. Kaohsiung sudah memulai sistem ini terlebih dahulu. Skema persewaan sepeda macam ini sudah umum dilakukan di kota-kota di berbagai penjuru dunia. Salah satunya yang terkenal adalah Velib system di Paris.

Nah, bagaimana cara menggunakan U-bike? Pertama-tama, kita disarankan memiliki EasyCard (kartu transportasi) dan handphone dengan nomor telepon Taiwan. Kemudian, daftarkan diri secara online di mesin pendaftaran di stasiun sepeda U-bike. Proses pendaftarannya tidak sulit dan cukup cepat. Rekan-rekan hanya perlu memasukkan data diri ke mesin tersebut, dan terdapat dua pilihan bahasa (Mandarin dan Inggris). Setelah itu, masukkan identitas, password, nomor handphone dan nomor EasyCard (lihat bagian belakang kartu). Kemudian akan ada kode konfirmasi ke handphone masing-masing. Setelah kode konfirmasi dimasukkan, siaplah kartu tersebut digunakan untuk menyewa sepeda.

Semua proses penyewaan dan pengembalian sepeda dilakukan secara elektronik (ada mesin sensor) di tiap sepeda. Cukup dengan menge-tap-kan kartu yang sudah didaftarkan, sepeda siap digunakan! Begitu pula untuk pengembaliannya, cukup dengan meletakkan kembali sepeda di tempatnya semula (di stasiun U-bike), dan tap lagi kartunya untuk memastikan sepeda sudah terkunci dengan sempurna.

Sudah siap mencoba U-bike? Rekan-rekan bisa berjalan-jalan mengelilingi tempat menarik di pusat Kota Taipei, tidak mahal, mudah dan juga bisa sambil membakar kalori. Praktis kan !

Oya, untuk peta stasiun U-bike bisa diunduh di sini: YouBike_DM_map

Informasi lengkap tentang U-bike bisa click di SINI

[Drama] Putri Huan Zhu

Keinget jaman SMP dulu, paling demen nonton film ini ! Sempet booming dan jadi hits di era 1998-1999. Awalnya kukira ini drama berasal dari China daratan, eh ternyata setelah tinggal di Taiwan sini, daku baru sadar klo ternyata rumah produksi dan beberapa artisnya berasal dari Taiwan . 

Jadi, sebelum film meteor garden dan F4-nya booming, tren film Taiwan di tanah air bisa dikatakan sudah sejak adanya film Putri Huan Zhu ini. Terlampir adalah link nonton streaming full episode untuk Putri Huan Zhu . Selamat bernostalgia

Someone said that one of the ways to release your stress and train your patience is by doing handy-craft things…

#tergantung juga sih, bisa jadi malah tambah stress karena gak jadi-jadi kerajinannya. bwahahahaha…. –> pertanda latihan kesabarannya belum berhasil

Btw, kerajinan gantungan tersebut kubuat saat mengikuti Eco-Awareness Camp di Tzu Chi University, Hualien pada 17-19 Mei 2013 lalu. Karena temanya adalah eco-awareness, jadi bahan- bahan untuk kerajinannya diperoleh dari baju bekas yang digunting-gunting. Setelah 2 jam berjuang menjahit di sana-sini, akhirnya jadilah gantungan Hello Kitty ane ! Alhamdulillah….

#untungnya kerajinan yang kubuat kali ini gak “separah” Chinese Knot yang menghabiskan 6 jam waktuku. wkwkwk….

Pagi-pagi membaca sebuah komen di wall teman. Bunyinya begini:

“75rb 2 sertifikat bertaraf nasional belum dinamain. kalau minat massage ya Kang. gak perlu ikut Acara cukup bayar dpt sertifikatnya. Soalnya acara seminarnya sudah lewat..”

Astaghfirullah… Saya merasa sakit hati dan tersinggung dengan perkataan tersebut. Saat membaca kalimat itu, saya koq merasa ada analogi “mau ijazah? Bisa bayar sekian xxx, dijamin langsung dapat gelar”

Demi mendapat lembaran kertas bertuliskan nama kita, kita cukup mengeluarkan beberapa rupiah tanpa perlu mengikutinya. WHAT? HALOOOOO…..

(entah itu dalam rangka ijazah –> kasus kelas kakap, maupun untuk seminar –> walo kelasnya gak segedhe kakap, tapi tetep aja sama)

Di manakah etika orang terdidik? Trus, apa dong esensinya? #no offense for anyone

#ini gw lagi senggol bacok :p

Hai kawans, akankah lebih baik jika kita menghormati suatu proses dan usaha. Jika mengatakan bahwa cukup dengan membayar, maka si hasil bisa diperoleh tanpa perlu susah payah melewati prosesnya, menurut saya itu sangat menodai esensi dari ilmu itu sendiri. 

Three concept of education; emphasizing knowledge, growing maturity and developing good manners…

Yup, saya seorang idealis. 

Kamis, 30 Mei 2013 kemarin kampusku kedatangan tamu spesial dari Belanda. Beliau bernama Prof. Martin van Bruinessen. Beliau hadir ke Taiwan dalam rangka undangan dari Institute of International Relations dan NCCU (alias kampusku) untuk memberikan kuliah tamu dengan topik “Secularism and Political Islam in Turkey and Indonesia; A Comparison of State-Islam relations and Social Dynamics in Two Major Muslim Countries”. Saat membaca pengumuman ini, daku seketika langsung bersemangat karena topiknya cukup membuat penasaran.

Oya, sebagai informasi, Prof Martin ini adalah Anthropolog yang ahli dalam bidang studi Islam dan Muslim di Turki dan Indonesia. Beliau pernah tinggal lama, baik di Turki maupun di Indonesia (hampir 10 tahun). Maka gak heran kalau bliau sangat fasih berbicara dalam dua bahasa ini. Sekarang, beliau sedang jadi visiting professor di National University of Singapore (NUS). Fyi lagi, istri beliau ternyata orang Indonesia lho ! Dan beliau sendiri adalah seorang Muslim.

Sebenernya ada banyak poin penting dan menarik dalam diskusi ini, terutama karena aye mengajukan cukup banyak pertanyaan ke beliau. wkwkwk…. But, ntar aye buat tulisan khusus (catatan pribadi dan hasil perenungan diskusinya) di lain kesempatan ya. Need longer time to write it. Sementara ini, di postingan sini yang aye share slide presentasi beliau dulu nggih. Kalau ada pertanyaan atau hal yang kurang jelas, bisa ditanyakan ke aye. Jaa, selamat membaca

Secularism and Political Islam in Turkey and Indonesia; A Comparison of State-Islam relations and Social Dynamics in Two Major Muslim Countries

By: Prof. Martin van Bruinessen (Utrecht University)

NCCU - Thursday, May 30, 2013

Some similarities of Turkey and Indonesia:

1. Both are multi party democracies in which elections can and do overthrow the established government
2. In both the military have often intervened in politics, claiming a unique position as founders and defenders of the secular republic
3. Tense relations between the army and organized Islam
4. Both turkey and Indonesia are secular states, though of different types
5. Both in Turkey and in Indonesia there have been movements for the establishment of an Islamic state
6. Both turkey and Indonesia have Islamist parties that became successful by broadening their base and renouncing on the Islamic state (AKP and PKS)

Less similar:

1. Responses to ideological influences from the Arab Middle East (Di Indonesia, Hizbut Tahrir, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Salafy movement dapat dukungan yang cukup besar. Indonesia dapat pengaruh influence dari pemikiran Islam di LN. Sedangkan di Turki, organisasi muslim tapi basisnya di Turki, bukan pengaruh dari Timur Tengah)
2. Role of Muslim political parties
3. Intellectual aspects: development of modern Muslim theological thought vs piety  movements

Types of secular regimes:

• Separation state and religion rarely complete, see Germany and great Britain
• Protecting religion from the state/ guarantee religious freedom (USA)
• Protecting the state from interference by religion (most extreme form: protecting all politics from religion, as in France)
• Neutrality of the state towards religions(India, Netherlands)
• Control of religion by the state (Turkey) à imam merupakan PNS
• Recognition of (certain) religions (Indonesia)

Secularism and secularization:

• A secular regime does  not mean that the citizens are secular in the sense of giving little importance to religion
• A secular regime does not necessarily mean that society is secularized
• Even in a secular state, religion may play a major public role (Casanova)

Indonesian and Turkish secularism

1. Turkey: Kemalism replaced religious institutions by secular ones and made great efforts to protect the state from religion (or from society?)
2. Indonesia: Pancasila proclaims neutrality in religion (but not entirely, for non-religion in not tolerated). In legal system, religion put into the part of the law

Turkey’s Secularism

• No place for shariah in legislation or public life, no religious courts, only western civil law courts
• Organization based on Islam not allowed
• Diyanet (Religious Affairs Directorate): huge bureaucracy, controlling mosques and Imams
• Imam-khatib schools to train religious person

Indonesia’s Secularism

• Islamic courts for family law only; recently syariah based local regulations
• Islamic state rejected, but Islamic parties major part of the landscape
• Ministry of religious affairs in charge of religious education, hajj, etc. state and private religious education give access to public higher education
• Majelis Ulama Indonesia: from government legitimizer to independent agenda setting actor

Desecularization

• The elites that founded and governed Turkey and Indonesia in their early decades were secular. The pious segments of the population remained economically and culturally backward
• Social mobility through institutions of religious education
• C. 1980’s: emergence of Muslim middle class and counter-elite, Muslim lifestyles

Impact of the Islamic Resurgence

• Indonesia: ex Masyumi party links up with Muslim Brothers and Rabita
• Arabic Islamist thought has increasing impact on disaffected Muslims
• Numerous Indonesians study in Egypt or Saudi
• Turkey: limited influence Muslim Brothers in 1960s-1970s; contacts with Miili Gorus
• Iranian revolution impacts on both in stimulating religious social thought (1978-1979)
• Various transnational movements (Muslim Brothers, Hizbut Tahrir, Salafi) gain influence in Indonesia (and much less in Turkey)
• After fall of Suharto these Islamist trends highly visible
• Indonesian Muslim political parties fail to mobilize large numbers, and gradually decline, with the exception of PKS
• Turkey’s AKP renounces on Islamic agenda and becomes hegemonic representative of conservative Turkey – effectively an alternative to Arab style Islamic movements

Muslim middle class cultures

• Indonesia:

1. regime policies benefit a growing middle class under Suharto apolitical but intellectually challenging Muslim discourses flourish
2. Later increasingly individualizing ‘self-improvement’ types of religious training and Islamic consumerism. “Market Islam” à in banking (syariah banking), halal products and certifying halal
3. Prosperity religion

• Turkey:

1. 1980s neoliberal restructuring and the Anatolian Tigers
2. Refah and AKP capture new constituencies and expand beyond their original Islamist base
3. Flourishing of ‘cemaat’ (congregations)

Greater visibility of Islam in both:

• Muslim parties lose credibility in Indonesia; the main Turkish Muslim party has no Muslim program anymore, but has become near-hegemonic
• Political Islam is marginalized

Self-assertion

• Indonesian Islam mostly at the receiving end of global flows (both fundamentalist and liberal cosmopolitan)
• Turkish Islam increasingly self-confident and presents itself as alternative to Brotherhood or Salafi type Arabian versions of Islam
• AKP as model for Islamist parties elsewhere
• Gulen movement and other cemaat engage in foreign missions

Niat untuk membuat spageti dengan saus kreasi sendiri sudah kupupuk sejak lama, terutama sejak punya kompor dan wajan (#fyi, beberapa bulan pertama di sini, aye masaknya pake rice cooker. hehehe…)

En karena ingin memasakkan dua orang spesial yang ada di kosku (eaaa~ #iki Aarin, adek kosku + Kiswah, sang pemilik Apronkiss yang tengah berkunjung), jadilah hari ini aku memasak spageti ^^”. Anyway, special thanks untuk Kiswah yang udah nata makanannya, en jadi “kelinci percobaan” nyicipin spagetiku ini. En thanks buat Aarin yang dah bersedia makan siang dengan spageti buatanku

Sekedar info, berikut resep spaghetti a la Chikupunya’s Kitchen:

Bahan

• 1 liter air
• 400 gram spaghetti
• 2 sdm minyak sayur

Saus spaghetti

• 1 bungkus saus Spaghetti La Fonte siap saji
• 2 sdm minyak goreng
• 2 siung bawang putih, cincang
• 2 buah bawang bombay, cincang
• 1 buah paprika, cincang
• 200 gr daging Tuna segar
• 4 lembar keju
• 50 ml air
• 1 sdt merica bubuk
• 1/2 sdt garam

Pelengkap

Taburan daun parsley untuk hiasan

Cara membuat

• Rebus spaghetti selama 15 menit, beri minyak sayur. Tiriskan, buang airnya dan sisihkan.
• Panaskan minyak goreng, tumis bahan-bahan segar seperti bawang putih, bawang bombay, dan paprika hingga harum. Masukkan daging Tuna, masak hingga berubah warna.
• Tambahkan saus spaghetti La Fonte, kemudian tambahkan air sambil diaduk. Masak hingga mendidih.
• Masukkan keju, dan tambahkan merica bubuk, masak hingga mengental.

Penyajian

Tata spaghetti di atas piring, beri saus di atasnya, taburi dengan daun parsley dan sajikan hangat .

As usual, I copy and paste my essays on National Development Policy in the Asia-Pacific Region class, especially for the North Korean part. In early 2013, North Korea and Kim Jong Eun became a hot topic in international affairs. Here are some of my opinions on some issues in this country . Happy reading !

ESSAY ON NORTH KOREA ISSUES

In the early of 2013, again, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) did a controversial and aggressive behavior by doing third nuclear test. The first and second tests were conducted in 2006 and 2009. In January 2013, North Korea announced that they would carry out a third high-level nuclear test and launch more long-range rocket that aimed at the US and US close allies in East Asia region such as South Korea and Japan. All these unfriendly behavior made North Korea or DPRK become isolated from international community with economic embargo and sanction, which impacted to its economy and created some serious domestic problem.

DPRK has been one of the world’s isolated countries and most secretive societies by the communist and dictatorship rule. DPRK face a dilemma because of its economy stagnancy, especially since the end of the Cold War. Its economy mostly came from agricultural sector that heavily dictated by weather. Floods and drought becomes the biggest enemy for this sector. Another one is manufacturing production, which is really dependent on electricity and oil supplies from foreign countries.

However, even though there are a lot of serious cases inside the country, DPRK stubbornness won’t stop. And surprisingly they still can “calm” with all the pressure from international world. What makes them still can survive?

In my opinion, the first reason why DPRK still can survive in its bad shape economy and unfriendly international community because of North Korea has nuclear and missile program as its bargaining power. Dick K. Nanto (2006) said that the North Korean leaders in Pyongyang have only limited options remaining as they have placed their nuclear weapons program on the bargaining table in exchange for economic assistance, security assurance, and normalization of relations with the United States, Japan, and South Korea.

The second reason is because DPRK’s economy is still heavily dependent on foreign assistance to handle starvation of the people. For covering up the domestic problem, DRPK has been using their bargaining power (that is nuclear program) for gaining more foreign aid. Nanto and Avery (2010) in their report mentioned that the country wants to join the club of nuclear and space powers and to be an Asian tiger economy. DPRK uses “charm offensive” that seems aimed at restoring inflows of economic assistance and trade flows. This “charm offensive” defined as specific actions to ease tensions with the United States and South Korea and appears to have reinvigorated its relationship with China.

Giving North Korean international assistance such as: food, energy and denuclearization assistance has always been a dilemmatic position for the donor, especially; the US, South Korea, China and Japan. From Manyin and Nikitin (2012) writings, it mentioned that between 1995 and 2008, the United States provided North Korea with over $1.3 billion in assistance: just over 50% for food aid and about 40% for energy assistance. But since early 2009, the United States has provided virtually no aid to North Korea.

North Korea has been suffering from chronic, massive food shortages since the mid-1990s where 40 percent of the population still suffers from malnutrition caused by the starvation. To fill those gaps, countries such as China, South Korea, and the United States and also the United Nations have been giving them food aid.

On February 29, 2012, after bilateral talks with the United States, North Korea announced a moratorium on long-range missile launches, nuclear tests, and nuclear activities (including uranium enrichment) at its Yongbyon nuclear facilities. In exchange, the US announced that they would provide North Korea with 240,000 metric tons of food aid but in condition that the food aid on progress in security and/or human rights matters; and linked the assistance to Pyongyang for easing its restrictions on monitoring (Manyin and Nikitin, 2012).

As for the energy assistance, between 1995 and 2009, the United States provided around $600 million in energy assistance to DPRK that was given to two time periods in 1995-2003 and in 2007-2009. In exchange, North Korea was being asked to freezing its plutonium-based nuclear facilities. However, when the assistance not provided anymore since year 2009, DPRK withdrew from the Six-Party Talks and Korea launched several long-range missile and ran a nuclear device test.

Kim Jong Un and Provocative Action

Since the death of Kim Jong-il in late 2011, Kim Jong Un, who are Kim Jong-il’s youngest son, continues his father position as the supreme leader of North Korea. He was titled as great successor and officially declared and the leader of DPRK on December 28^th, 2011, as the following of the state funeral for his father. With this assignation, Kim Jong Un became the youngest leader and head of the state in the world (at 29-30 years of age).

In the end of January 2013, Kim issued orders for preparing for a new nuclear test and introduces martial law in North Korea. And on March 7, 2013, this young dictator announced threat for the US and its allies with pre-emptive nuclear attack like launching missiles and detonation of nuclear devices. Why he does these provocative activities?

To understand this issue, I’d like to analyze from level of analysis; individual level, domestic level and systemic level/ international system. Particularly for DPRK decision for nuclear program, I will take Kim Jong Un as the key actor on individual level as the decision maker.

As the successor of his father leadership, Kim Jong Un relatively still very young, new and inexperienced to lead North Korea. To gain more legacy and power, Kim needs to do some actions that can leads and helps him to be seen as “strong” leader with strong military tradition and dictatorship, as his father and grandfather did. Beside of that, he also wants to continue the personal philosophy of Juche, or self-reliance that was introduced by Kim Il-Sung, his grandfather. Not only Juche, he also continues the Kim’s dynastic policy of sending out mixed out signals to foreign countries (BBC News, 2013).

Kim’s lacked of military experience didn’t stop him for doing security threat to the regional. He got some back-up from his uncle, Jang Sung-taek, as the mentor, as well as support from DPRK’s military institution. With this nuclear missile launched, it also became a “show off” sign of North Korea military power.

Kim’s act also related to the domestic situation in North Korea. BBC wrote that in February 2012 Kim Jong Un agreed to suspend long-range missile tests in order to receive US food aid. It can be analyzed that nuclear launched become a cover for domestic problem inside North Korea; poverty, starvation, and bad economic condition. As mentioned in the beginning, North Korean economy is heavily dependent on foreign assistance. Here, DPRK as a state/ institution are failed to bring prosperity for its people.

And for the international system level, North Korea needs nuclear power as its bargaining power to the international world. At this level, which state aligns with which other states and which state negotiates with which other states. In other words, North Korea provoked the US and its allies, such as; South Korea and Japan. It also might be caused by the contested situation of East Asia, where Korean peninsula has been becoming the buffer zone for US-China influence. However, in this latest North Korean provocation, China seems dilemma. In one side, China is angry with North Korea behavior which disadvantage China for some reasons.

Many scholars and analyst said that North Korea’s act is not a real threat, since the quality of their military is far away from US and its allies’ military forces. But if the war could be happen for a real, it will cost a lot of human life (in both part of Korea, and the US). As well as it will destroy the stability of the region, and the most important thing is will brook Asia’s economy.

Kim’s Third Dynasty

There are several dependent factors for analyzing the Kim’s dynasty in the future. Will it be last long? In my opinion, unlike his father and grandfather, Kim Jong Un still young, inexperienced, and lacked of military experience. However, he got strong back up from the military institution and officer/ citizens that loyal to their leader and communist. So that, as long as Kim Jong Un is still have the support, Kim’s dynasty will still stand on.

The things that can make Kim’s dynasty end, is in the domestic level, for the example the revolution inside the country and willingness of the Korean people to reform. If the economic situation and the violation of human rights worsen, and more people starving into death, it might be bursting the anger of the civilian.

But, in my opinion, the strongest factor that can influence North Korean Kim’s dynasty is in international level, especially China’s policy and stakes. Ones says that one of way to prevent North Korea from getting nuclear weapons is to work with China to bring about the collapse of the North Korean regime and reunification of the two Koreas. But for China, it will be dilemmatic since there are fears that if the North Korean state collapsed, it would cause a flood of millions of hungry refugees into China. Furthermore, North Korea is useful buffer for separating U.S. troops from the Chinese border. So, in other means, it seems that still long way to go for Kim’s dynasty end.

Reference

• BBC News. (2013). North Korea Profile, BBC News Website, updated on April 9, 2013. Retrieved from: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-15256929
• Nanto, Dick K. (2006). North Korea’s Economic Crisis, Reforms, and Policy Implications in Kihl, Young Whan and Kim, Hong Nack (eds), North Korea; The Politics of Regime Survival. M.E. Sharpe, Inc; New York.
• Nanto, Dick K and Avery, Emma Chanlett. (2010). North Korea: Economic Leverage and Policy Analysis. Congressional Research Service, January 22, 2010. Retrieved from: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32493.pdf
• Manyin, Mark E. and Nikitin, Mary Beth. (2012). Foreign Assistance to North Korea. Congressional Research Service, April 26, 2012. Retrieved from: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R40095.pdf

#India gak cuma tentang Bollywood en kari . Dalam postingan kali ini, ku-copaskan tulisanku seputar kebijakan India tentang “Look East Policy”. Selamat membaca

India’s Growing Importance in Asia: Look East Policy

After the end of Cold War and the fall of Soviet Union, India was change its foreign policy orientation with a policy called “Look East Policy”. Look East Policy shows India’s efforts to develop extensive economic and strategic relations with Southeast Asia countries for creating and maintaining regional power in this area, as well as to counter China’s strategic influence (not only in economic, but also in military and security aspects). In 1990’s, there was a global trend towards regionalism and the increase of China’s influence in Southeast Asia, so that India need to swift their previous policy towards this region.

One aspect that should be understood very well about India’s Look East Policy is its geopolitical situation (Chanda and Gopalan, 2009). India faces big challenge to create and develop relations with its neighbor countries in South Asia and West Asia. For West Asia and Middle East, these regions has unstable political situation, while South Asia, Central Asia and Afghanistan lack the potential for cooperation (Hong, 2007). The India’s failure in South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) because of the lack of political trust and economic progress, interestingly are used by China to build closer relations with India’s neighbors such as Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Burma (Hong, 2007).

To grow up bigger, India needs to build relations with more powerful and stronger economic potential. As from security point of view, India has serious problem in some disputed area with Pakistan and China which can change the shape of South Asia.

Although India is still relatively weak in terms of economic and political power, it seems that this Look East Policy is quite offensive in term of India’s efforts on spreading its influence. Zhao Hong mentioned that India realized that if it wanted to have a significant role as a major power, India should complete its transition from a “South Asian regional power” to an “Asian major power” and eventually become a “major world power”. India also must develop political and economic relations with ASEAN and use them as a bridge with which to connect itself to East Asia (Hong, 2007). ASEAN countries realized that with the rise of India, they can reduce their dependence on Japan, the Western countries, and China in trade and economic relations.

With that reasons, India established some bilateral and multilateral cooperation with Southeast Asia countries, such as; with Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam (CLMV), BIMSTEC, Mekong-Ganga Cooperation. India also trying to become ASEAN’s dialogue partner in many forums such as ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEAN – India Summit, ASEAN+6, East Asia Summit, and ASEAN-India Partnership for Peace, Progress and Shared Prosperity.

One of interesting part from Hong analysis is about the impact of the India factor on the future of Sino-ASEAN relations. He said that this condition may well depend upon the extent to which India’s economic potential can be translated into political and strategic influence. Balance-of power politics will continue to inform Sino-India rivalry in Myanmar, Vietnam, and other ASEAN countries.This India’s policy also related to the US, where China was also concerned that the United States might manipulate India’s evolving relations with ASEAN in order to contain China or “smother” China’s attempt to exert its influence in the region (Hong, 2007).

Reference:

Hong, Zhao. 2007. India and China: Rivals or Partners in Southeast Asia?, Contemporary Southeast Asia Vol. 29, No. 1 (2007), pp. 121-42.

Maasyaallaah, laa quwwata illaa billaah

這件事是真主意欲的。除真主外，我絕無能力！
Zhè jiàn shì shì zhēnzhǔ yìyù de. Chú zhēnzhǔ wài, wǒ jué wú nénglì!

“Telle est la volonté (et la grâce) d’Allah ! Il n’y a de puissance que par Allah”

“Es geschieht, was Gott will; ohne Gottes Beistand bin ich macht- und hilflos.”

「すべてはアッラーの御心のまま，（本当に）アッラー以外には，何の力もございません」

“Так пожелал Аллах! Нет мощи, кроме как от Аллаха!”

‘¡Que sea lo que Alá quiera! ¡La fuerza reside sólo en Alá!’

Sungguh atas kehendak Allah semua ini terwujud, tiada kekuatan kecuali dengan pertolongan Allah

Q.S. 18:39

Maasyaallaah

Alhamdulillah, akhirnya yang ditunggu-tunggu datang juga. Kesempatan untuk “conquering” the rest of East Asian countries akan segera tercapai ! Mimpi untuk singgah ke seluruh negara Asia Timur sudah kutanam sejak lama. Alhamdulillah, rejeki dari Allah, Jepang dan China sudah kusambangi. Tinggal (separuh) negeri ginseng menanti ^^

Akhir Mei 2013 lalu, daku mendapatkan kabar bahwa paper yang kukirimkan untuk CISAK 2013 diterima, dan insyaAllah akan kupresentasikan pada 7 Juli 2013 nanti di KAIST, Daejeon, Korea Selatan. Judul paperku adalah: “Paradox” on China’s Great Western Development; Social-ethno Problem in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Paper ini merupakan modifikasi final term paper kuliah Economic Development in Mainland China yang kutulis semester lalu.

Berbagai persiapan tengah kulakukan, seperti; aplikasi visa, searching tiket, dan merancang rencana perjalanan (yeah, it’s backpacking time ). Dalam postingan kali ini, daku hendak berbagi informasi bagaimana prosedur dan proses pengurusan administrasi + perizinan ke negeri ginseng dari bumi Formosa ini .

TENTANG VISA

Berhubung Korea Selatan tidak punya hubungan diplomatik dengan Taiwan, maka yang ada di Taipei sini bukanlah Embassy of Republic of Korea, melainkan Korean Mission in Taipei. Lokasinya di Taipei World Trade Center, Rm. 1506, 15F, No. 333, Sec. 1, Kee Lung Road. Taipei. See details: HERE

Untuk menuju ke sana, bisa naik bis nomor 611 (langsung dari NCCU) atau 650 (dari halte Gongguan yang mengarah ke NTUST), turun di Taipei World Trade Center. Kantornya di lantai 15. Jam kantornya: 09:00 am ~ 12:00 pm dan 14:00 pm ~ 16:00 pm (Senin – Jumat).

Adapun persyaratan untuk visanya, antara lain:

1. Formulir aplikasi visa yang sudah diisi. Unduh form di SINI
2. Paspor yang masih berlaku minimal 6 bulan + 1 lembar fotokopiannya
3. Foto berwarna 3×4 cm ditempel di formulir aplikasi visa
4. ARC (Allien Resident Card –> smacam KTP) + fotokopiannya
5. Surat keterangan asli dari Universitas (minta ke International Office) terkait status mahasiswa kita
6. Abstrak paper konferensi
7. Invitation letter/ calling visa (asli) dan surat keterangan penerimaan paper (asli) dari panitia pengundang
8. Conference Schedule (dari panitia pengundang)
9. Additional: jika memiliki surat keterangan beasiswa selama kuliah di Taiwan atau ada surat sponsor untuk menghadiri konferensi, lebih baik dilampirkan. Untuk lebih meyakinkan
10. Membayar biaya aplikasi visa (non-refundable): NTD 900
11. Proses Visa: 4 hari kerja

Nah, berhubung ke Korea dalam rangka konferensi, jadi tidak perlu melampirkan bukti rekening tabungan. Kalau hanya untuk jalan-jalan, syarat visanya perlu ditambah: surat keterangan dari Bank dengan jumlah rekening tabungan minimal NTD 100,000 –> klo gini kasusnya, langsung cari pinjeman untuk nge-print buku :p.

Oya, prosesnya aplikasinya alhamdulillah ndak ribet. Waktu daku ke sana, Alhamdulillah kantornya sepi. Dan gak perlu ber-ribet2 ria dengan keamanan super ketat kaya’ di Indonesia, bisa langsung masuk ke visa application office, ketemu ama mbak-mbaknya, serahin dokumen, dicek (sudah lengkap or belum), bayar biaya aplikasi, trus selesai deh. Gak sampai 5 menit ! insyaAllah paspor dan visaku dapat diambil pada Selasa, 11 Juni 2013 nanti. Smoga dimudahkan dan dilancarkan (smoga gak ada masalah XD. aamiin)

Anyway, tahap lainnya adalah cari tiket pesawat. Setelah searching sana sini, ada beberapa alternatif penerbangan baik yang regular flight atau low cost airline flight.

# Regular flight:

1. EVA Air (direct Taoyuan – Incheon)
2. China Airlines (direct Taoyuan – Incheon)

# Low Cost Airline:

1. Flyscoot (direct Taoyuan – Incheon)
2. Cebu Pacific Air (dari Taoyuan mampir Manila/ Cebu lanjut ke Incheon/ Busan)
3. T’way Airlines (direct dari Songshan airport – Gimpo)
4. Air Busan (direct dari Taoyuan – Busan)

Setelah compare harga dan aksesnya, akhirnya kupilih Tway Airlines, lowcost airline milik perusahaan Korea. Harganya yang paling murah dibandingkan yang lain selama summer break ini. Dan juga mengingat penerbangannya dari Songshan airport, itu jauh lebih memudahkanku karena hanya perlu sekali naik MRT dan gak ribet. hehehehe…..

Anyway, sekian dari saya. Smoga dimudahkan dan dilancarkan segala sesuatunya

Sabtu lalu, karena lagi stress ngerjain paper final term, maka pelarianku adalah masak-masak. hwahahaha…. Motong-motong en ngaduk-ngaduk bahan masakan sambil nyari inspirasi untuk paper 3000 kata.

Entah pastinya kapan daku tiba-tiba terinspirasi untuk membuat cheese-cake. Kayaknya udah tertanam sejak jaman di Galuh 2 No. 4 deh (kantor IM), dibuatin cheese-cake ama mb Nia !

Berhubung peralatan masaknya terbatas, maka kucarilah resep cheese-cake tanpa proses pemanggangan/ oven. Nah, berikut ini hendak ku-share pengalamanku membuat cheese-cake setengah berhasil ini (instead of setengah gagal –> perkataan orang optimis ).

Bahan

1. Satu bungkus biskuit manis (kmaren pake Ritz Cheese –> gagal TT__TT. Lebih pas kalo pake biskuit smacam roti marie)
2. 80 gr butter plain, lelehkan –> cari yang halal ya
3. 250 gr Light Philadelphia Cream Cheese Block –> alhamdulillah ini ada logo halal MUI en NZ
4. Gula halus secukupnya –> kalau suka manis, diberi yang agak banyak
5. Satu bungkus agar-agar plain –> cairkan dengan 1/4 gelas air mendidih
6. Buah potong kecil untuk hiasan –> bisa kiwi, stroberi, ato olesan selai blueberry (sesuai selera)

Cara Membuat
1) Adonan biskuit
Hancurkan biskuit hingga halus, campur dengan butter yang sudah dilelehkan. Aduk hingga rata. Masukkan ke wadah yang telah disediakan . Ratakan, masukkan ke dalam kulkas.

2) Adonan Cheese
Lunakkan Philadelphia cheese block, masukkan gula halus sesuai selera dan tingkat manis, aduk hingga halus. Kalau punya mixer lebih bagus lagi

–> Klo aye berhubung gak punya, jadi aduk manual hingga pegel -___-”

3) Masukkan cairan agar-agar plain ke dalam adonan cheese, aduk hingga rata. Cairan ini berfungsi untuk membekukan dan menyatukan adonan

4) Tuang adonan cheese ke atas adonan biskuit –> Di kasus percobaan pertama aye kemaren, berhubung pake Ritz kurang halus, jadinya adonan biskuit digabung ke adonan cheesenya :V.

5) Masukkan kulkas kira-kira 3 jam. Biarkan hingga adonan membeku dan menyatu.

Penyajian
Potong cheese-cake sesuai selera, hias dengan buah potong dan tuangkan krim cair atau gula halus.

Jumlah kalori
- Hm…. aye gak tahu sih, gak ngitung -___-”. Tapi pastinya kalori sepotong cheese-cake hanya bisa dihilangkan dengan berlari keliling lapangan 3 kali puteran. hehehe…..
- Warning buat yang lagi diet, disarankan untuk tidak makan ini :p

PS: Tulisan ini dibuat dalam rangka escaping (for a while) dari final term exam paper. hehehe

Selamat mencoba

Beberapa waktu lalu, aku melihat postingan foto home-made Chicken Nugget buatan mb Isti Winayu (yang sekarang tengah menanti HPL dede’nya di Chiba, Jepang sana. Smoga sehat-sehat selalu ya mbakyuuu ) di Facebook. Berhubung mahasiswa asing di Taiwan seperti saya agak kesulitan mencari panganan olahan daging halal, maka terinspirasi-lah untuk membuat masakan serupa.

Berikut adalah resep dari Mb Isti yang sedikit kumodifikasi.  Ada pesen singkat dari beliau: “Chiku, resep nugget kemarin aku ga pakai takaran, cuman kira2 !” –> so do I mbak, kmaren pas mbuatnya, juga kira-kira bae. wkwkwkkw

Resep Home-made Chicken/ Fish Nugget

Bahan:

• 200-300 gr ayam giling dan atau daging ikan tuna cincang
• 2 butir telur (ukuran M/sedang)
• 2-4 siung bawang putih dan bawang merah, dicincang halus
• Cabe merah dicincang (sesuai selera –> bagi yang suka pedas)
• garam secukupnya
• merica secukupnya
• 4-5 sdm keju parut
• 1 batang wortel parut atau cincang halus

Bahan Panir

• Tepung panir/ roti
• 2 butir telur ayam untuk membalur
• minyak goreng untuk menggoreng

Cara Membuat

1. Setelah semua bahan siap, campur dan aduk sampai rata.
2. Tuang dan ratakan di loyang, bikin ketebalan sekitar 2-3 cm
3. Kalau punya kukusan, kukus selama 10-15 menit atau kira-kira kekel (mengeras) sampai bagian tengahnya. Kalau ga ada, bisa pakai microwave 800 watt, selama 4-5 menit. Atau pertama2 3 menit dlu, lihat hasilnya biar ga terlalu keras & kering. Kalau gak ada kukusan atau microwave, bisa juga gunakan rice-cooker –> I did it, and it works
4. Setelah dikukus & agak dingin, potong2 sesuai ukuran yg diinginkan. Balur dengan telur kocok lalu tepung panir/roti.
5. Goreng sampai berwarna kuning keemasan. Kemudian, sisa lainnya bisa disimpan dalam plastik di frezeer.

Selamat bereksperimen !

Awal Juni 2013 lalu, aku diajak my partner in travelling, mbak Dian, untuk jalan-jalan ke  Hualien. Ini lokasi sangat terkenal kecantikannya di Taiwan. Selama di Hualien, aku berkunjung ke Taroko dan Qixingtan. Untuk Taroko akan kutulis khusus di postingan berikutnya, yang di sini tentang Qixingtan beach dulu yaaa.

Musim panas nan lembab sudah mengampiri Taiwan sejak Mei lalu. Sesekali, ingin rasanya bermain-main di air dan juga menikmati angin sepoi-sepoi. Yang terbayang kemudian adalah berkunjung ke pinggir laut. Nah, salah satu alternatif lokasi jalan-jalan di musim panas seperti sekarang ini adalah Qixingtan di Hualien.

Di manakah Qixingtan itu? Qixingtan terletak di Desa Beipu, Xinchheng di sebelah timur laut kota Hualien. Letaknya tidak terlalu jauh dari National Hualien University of Education dan Bandara Hualien. Pantai timur Taiwan ini berhadapan langsung dengan Samudra Pasifik. Jernih dan birunya air serta pemandangan di sekitarnya yang disertai dengan bebatuan Kristal dan perbukitan hijau semakin menyemarakkan keindahan alam di sekitar Qixingtan.

Dari Qixingtan, jika cuaca sedang cerah, kita juga bisa melihat Qingshui Cliff (tebing Qingshui) yang cukup terkenal di Taiwan. Dan apabila kita beruntung, kita juga bisa melihat Taiwan Air Force (Angkatan Udara Taiwan) sedang melakukan latih terbang di sekitar sana. Memang, lokasi Qixingtan bersebelahan dengan basis Angkatan Udara Taiwan di Hualien (Hualien Air Force Base).

Sambil menikmati keindahan alamnya, kita juga bisa berolahraga dengan bersepeda di sepanjang 21 km jalur sepeda dari Taman Nanbin di tengah kota, kemudian melewati Pelabuhan Hualien dan menyusuri pantai timur Taiwan.

Pemerintah kota Hualien bahkan membangun beberapa tempat dan fasilitas rekreasi seperti Stone Sculpture Park, the Star Watching Plaza untuk melihat bintang, the Sunrise Building untuk menikmati matahari terbit, tempat bermain anak-anak, juga taman botani dengan berbagai hewan pantai dan tumbuhan.

Untuk ke sana, bagi yang berasal dari Taipei bisa menggunakan kereta dari Stasiun Taipei (Taipei Main Station). Waktu tempuh perjalanannya sekitar 2,5 – 3 jam, tergantung jenis kereta. Perlu diperhatikan, di akhir pekan tiket kereta dari dan ke Hualien sering habis, sehingga bagi yang berencana ke sana harus memesan tiket keretanya jauh-jauh hari. Alternatif lainnya adalah dengan menaiki bis dari Taipei menuju Yilan station, kemudian dilanjutkan dengan kereta selama 1 jam dari Yilan ke Hualien. Ini bisa menjadi salah satu strategi jika ke Hualien saat puncak pengunjuk. Dari Stasiun Hualien ke Qixingtan, sayangnya tidak ada angkutan/ bis umum yang melayani secara langsung, sehingga kita disarankan naik taksi atau menyewa mobil. Biaya perjalanan ke Qixingtan dengan taxi dari Hualien Station, sekitar 170 – 200 NTD.

Nah, tunggu apalagi? Selama musim panas ini kita bisa berwisata ke Hualien sambil bertadabbur alam. Hualien merupakan tempat yang paling cocok untuk liburan, sambil bersantai dan menikmati suasana.

Membersamaimu hingga senja

Musim panas di Taiwan semakin menyengat. Perlu mencari suasana segar dan alami di luar kota. Salah satu tempat yang bisa kita kunjungi adalah Taroko. Taman Nasional Taroko atau Taroko National Park (太魯閣國家公園 Tàilǔgé gúojiā gōngyuán) merupakan satu dari 8 taman nasional yang ada di Taiwan, dan merupakan salah satu primadona pariwisata yang sangat terkenal di Taiwan. Lokasinya membentang antara Taichung, Nantou, hingga Hualien.

Pada mulanya, taman ini bernama Tsugitaka – Taroko National Park, yang didirikan pemerintahan Kekaisaran Jepang di Taiwan oleh Gubernur Jendral Taiwan pada 12 Desember 1937. Namun dengan kekalahan Jepang dalam Perang Dunia II, Taiwan dikuasai oleh Partai Nasional. Pada 15 Agustus 1945 taman ini ditutup, hingga kemudian dibuka kembali pada 28 November 1986.

Nama “Taroko” berasal dari bahasa Truku (salah satu suku asli di Taiwan) yang memiliki arti “megah dan indah”. Pada zaman dahulu, salah satu orang suku Truku melihat keindahan tempat ini, dan karenanya ia menangis dan menyebut “Taroko”! Hingga kemudian, kata tersebut menjadi nama lokasi ini.

Taroko terkenal dengan ngarai sepanjang 19 km dan tebing marmernya. Kita bisa melihat keindahan ciptaan Allah yang sungguh luar biasa di sini. Kekuatan alam membentuk ngarai dan tebing di Taroko menjadi beragam rupa. Selain marmer, Taroko juga terkenal dengan batu gioknya, dan dari sinilah pasokan batunya dikirimkan ke pasar giok di Hualien.

Untuk berkunjung ke Taroko, pertama-tama kita bisa naik kereta sampai stasiun kereta Sincheng (新城) (sekitar 2 stasiun sebelum Hualien city). Kemudian, perjalanan bisa dilanjutkan dengan bis yang berhenti di beberapa halte di dalam Taroko, seperti; Tzuchi Vihara, Sincheng Taroko Station (太魯閣火車站), Taroko Visitor Center (tempat parkir), Shakadang (砂卡礑) and Buluowan (布落灣).

Adapun perjalanannya sekitar 2 jam hingga pemberhentian terakhir di Tiansiang, dan biayanya sekitar 170-200 NTD. Cara lain untuk ke Taroko dari stasiun kereta Hualien atau Xincheng adalah dengan menyewa taksi. Adapun biaya sewanya 500 NTD per jam (minimal perjalanan 4 jam) atau 3.000 NTD per 7 jam. Walaupun lebih mahal, namun pengunjung bisa berkunjung dan berhenti di berbagai tempat yang menarik di sepanjang Taroko Park. keindahan ciptaan Allah yang sungguh luar biasa di sini. Kekuatan alam membentuk ngarai dan tebing di Taroko menjadi beragam rupa. Selain marmer, Taroko juga terkenal dengan batu gioknya, dan dari sinilah pasokan batunya dikirimkan ke pasar giok di Hualien.

Cara lainnya adalah dengan menyewa skuter, seharga 600 NTD per hari di stasiun kereta Hualien atau Sincheng. Namun diharapkan orang yang mengendarai sudah cukup ahli dalam menaiki skuter mengingat kontur jalanan menuju Taroko yang cukup curam dan berbahaya. Bagi yang hendak menyewa skuter, disarankan sudah memiliki SIM Taiwan atau SIM yang berlaku secara internasional dan tak lupa tunjukkan paspor kita.

Beberapa lokasi di Taroko yang direkomendasikan untuk dikunjungi antara lain:

• The Eternal Spring Shrine （長春祠）
• Buluowan (布洛灣)
• Swallow Grotto & the Tunnel of Nine Turns
• Shakadang Trail(砂卡噹步道)

Sebagai informasi, tidak ada biaya yang perlu dikeluarkan untuk memasuki taman nasional Taroko ini, kecuali hanya biaya transportasi dan keperluan pribadi. Oya, jangan lupa membawa perlengkapan pribadi seperti botol minuman dan minuman, snack/ makan siang secukupnya, serta perlengkapan ibadah (sajadah, dll) mengingat di dalam Taroko tidak terlalu banyak lokasi untuk membeli makanan/ minuman serta lokasi yang cukup nyaman untuk melaksanakan sholat.

Kemudian, tips berikutnya adalah terkait waktu yang paling tepat untuk mengunjungi Taroko, yaitu pada pagi hari di pertengahan pekan, dan di musim panas. Ada beberapa lokasi sungai dimana pengunjung dapat berenang di antara dinding marmer alami dan cantiknya pemandangan Taroko. Tips terakhir, jangan lupa untuk mengecek website Taroko untuk mengetahui informasi cuaca dan kondisi di sana, mengingat daerah ini cukup rawan taifun, gempa dan juga longsor. Selamat berpetualang di musim panas !

Di sela-sela istirahat ujian TOCFL siang tadi, aku menyempatkan diri untuk menyicil buku bacaan yang baru kudapat pekan lalu. Buku ini special, karena dibawakan langsung oleh temanku dari Jakarta ke Taipei . Judulnya adalah “Islam Sehari-hari; yang Penting, yang Terabaikan” karya bang VBI_Djenggotten. Karya ini adalah karya terbaru beliau. Btw, buat yang belum tawu siapa VBI Djenggotten, beliau adalah seorang pendakwah via komik; memadukan antara konten dakwah dengan gambar-gambar kartun yang menarik.

Ada satu bagian di buku ini yang bener-bener sangat mengena buatku dan harus senantiasa kita evaluasi diri. Judulnya adalah “Dakwah dengan Kelembutan”

Disebutkan dalam QS An Nahl, 125:

“Serulah (manusia) kepada jalan Rabbmu dengan hikmah (lemah lembut) dan pelajaran yang baik dan bantahlah mereka dengan cara yang baik..”

QS Ali Imran, 159:

Alhamdulillah, setelah sempat beberapa kali tertunda, rencana menuju kota ujung Korea Selatan kesampaian. It’s time for Busan !

Pertama kali kukira Busan adalah kota pelabuhan yang panas –> kepikirannya seperti Surabaya. Tapi ternyata perkiraanku salah!

Busan sungguh sejuk dan windy. Menurut temenku, memang cuaca di Busan itu yang paling oke di seantero Korea; sejuk di kala summer, dan relatif lebih hangat saat winter (salju gak sampai menumpuk, walo anginnya tetep dingin menusuk :p)

12 Hari di Korea, hampir setiap harinya diliputi oleh awan mendung dan hujan rintik. Namun, di Busan the weather was perfect !

Aku diajak kawanku (mb Nelly) ke Haedong Yonggungsa Temple, sebuah temple Buddha yang terletak di ujung pantai –> keingetnya langsung ke Pura yang ada di pinggir pantai Bali.

Informasi dan cerita lengkap tentang perjalanan ke sini akan kutulis di lain kesempatan. Di sini aku upload dulu fotonya ya !

Sambil baca-baca, bisa klik langsung website resminya: http://www.yongkungsa.or.kr/en/ atau http://visitkorea.or.kr/enu/SI/SI_EN_3_1_1_1.jsp?cid=264404

Selamat membaca dan melihat

Ini adalah salah satu landmark en icon-nya kota Seoul; Namsan Seoul Tower atau yang lebih dikenal dengan N-Seoul Tower. Untuk mencapai tempat ini, ada beberapa cara; yang pertama dengan menaiki bis umum yang memiliki corak khusus. Ada 2 bis yang memiliki rute ke N-Seoul Tower, yaitu Bis nomor 3 dan 5 naik dari MRT Chungmuro station exit 2. Adapun biayanya tidak terlalu mahal, sekitar 1050 won. Sedangkan cara kedua adalah dengan menaiki cable car (yang sebenarnya cukup mahal; 6000 won dan cukup singkat perjalanannya).

Nah, sebelumnya, siap-siapin stamina ya. Karena dari tempat pemberhentian bus atau cable car, kita masih harus jalan menanjak menuju ke puncak bukit tempat tower ini berada. Menges deh pokoknya -___-”

Cerita tentang N-Seoul Tower dan gembok cinta akan kutulis di tulisan tersendiri

Berhubung nilai semester 2 kemaren sudah keluar semua (Alhamdulillah), maka paper dan tugas kuliah sudah bisa saya publish di sini. Anyway, maafkan saya yang akhir-akhir ini terlalu malas untuk menulis dan meng-update blog, dan memilih jalur singkat dengan cara upload tugas XD. Selamat membaca, terutama yang tertarik dengan studi China.

Reading Note: China Soft Power in South East Asia

This reading note is based on the article written by H.H. Michael Hsiao and Alan Yang, titled Soft Power Politics in the Asia Pacific: Chinese and Japanese Quests for Regional Leadership. It was explained about two countries on struggling for leadership in SEA. Located in strategic position, South East Asia (SEA) region and ASEAN as regional organization become significant for strong economic power such as China, Japan and South Korea. Not only its geopolitical situation, SEA has abundance of natural resources that being needed for industrial countries, as well as its market potential.

Since the 1990s, China has strengthened its relations with ASEAN states in fields of foreign aid, trade, finance, infrastructure, business, labor, environment, and development as well as tourism (Hsiao & Yang, 2009). Not only hard power, another approach to spread the influence of a country is by soft power. The essence of Joseph Nye’s concept of soft power is an ability to attract others; such an attraction serves to persuade others to accept one’s purposes without explicit threat or violent exchange. The soft power of a country rests primarily on three resources: its culture (in places where it is attractive to others), its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), and its foreign policies (when they are seen as legitimate and having moral authority) (Nye, 2013).

China’s soft power in SEA, especially in grass-root level, in my opinion is perhaps not yet as successful as Japan and South Korea’s Halyu. Japan soft power diplomacy has been exist for decade, while China relatively new on emphasizing their soft power. From the 2008 opinion poll on Japan’s image in Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam, it results that Japan is a trustworthy friend for ASEAN countries; friendly to their country; and respondents had positive images of Japan’s economic and technical contribution to their country. These results demonstrate a warming attitude of ASEAN people to Japan and corroborate the efficacy of Tokyo’s soft power diplomacy (in Hsiao & Yang, 2009).

What made China is not successful enough for its soft power in SEA? I argue that beside of different starting time, another factor that might be very important for China to be more influential is its domestic political situation. Chin (2013) mentioned that the lack of serious political reform in China caused its soft power has not directly translated into more supportive views of its quest for status and legitimacy. With respect to the latter, it will be increasingly difficult for the government to prevent its domestic record on political and civil freedoms from affecting China’s international credibility.

In article titled “What China and Russia Don’t Get About Soft Power?”, Nye argued that for a rising power like China whose growing economic and military might frightens its neighbors into counter-balancing coalitions, a smart strategy includes soft power to make China look less frightening and the balancing coalitions less effective. China makes the mistake of thinking that government is the main instrument of soft power. In today’s world, information is not scarce but attention is, and attention depends on credibility. Nye’s view on soft power springs is largely from individuals, the private sector, and civil society. So that for China to succeed, it will need to match words and deeds in their policies, be self-critical, and unleash the full talents of their civil societies.

China might be powerful economically, but it seems that from soft-power influence, it will be a long way for China to “conquer” SEA social and culturally.

References:

• Chin, Hao Huang, “China’s Soft Power in East Asia; a Quest for Status and Influence?”, The national Bureau of Asian Research, NBR Special Report #42, January 2013. Accessed from: http://www.nbr.org/publications/specialreport/pdf/SR42_Huang.pdf in May 6, 2013
• Global Times, “Soft power with Chinese characteristics”, Global Times Website, April 7, 2013. Accessed from: http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/773180.shtml#.UZBWZ6Kw3oI in May 12, 2013
• Hsiao, H. H. Michael and Yang, Alan, “Soft Power Politics in the Asia Pacific: Chinese and Japanese Quests for Regional Leadership”, The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 8-2-09, February 17, 2009.
• Nye, Joseph S., “What China and Russia Don’t Get About Soft Power?”, The Foreign Policy Website, April 29, 2013. Accessed from: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/04/29/what_china_and_russia_don_t_get_about_soft_power?page=0,1, in May 12th, 2013.

Russia and China Presence in Central Asia; 
Rivalry and Cooperation on Economics, Energy and Security Issues

Since the collapsing of the Soviet Union in 1991, there were some significant changes on the constellation of international geo-politics in Euro-Asia, specifically in Central Asia . Even after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Moscow has retained extensive political, economic, and security ties with the Central Asia countries (Weitz, 2008: 52).

Ariel Cohen, argued that Greater Central Asia, which includes Iran and Afghanistan, is vital for Russia as a source of hydrocarbons and other raw materials. This region is also a strategic transit route for Russia pipelines and rail roads which could become part of the “New Silk Road” for formidable developmental engine. However, the region is a major geopolitical battleground between China, which is a regional emerging power, with Russia (Central Asia Program, 2012).

China, as the closest big country with Russia, has some development on its relationship with Russia also with its neighboring countries of the former Soviet Union in terms of trade and political cooperation (Burles, 1999: ix). Burles (1999) also mentioned that Russia and Central Asia become major suppliers of energy resources to China’s rapidly growing economy.

Relations between Russia – China and China – Central Asia can be said as complicated since the leader in Moscow and the capitals of Central Asian countries seen the China’s growing power as a threat (Burles, 1999: ix). From geopolitical perspective, Central Asia has been becoming a “contestation zone” in terms of security, energy resources and commercial opportunities. Burles mentioned that China’s growing presence in Central Asia may be indicative of its impending ascendance in continental Asia, and may provide secure land links between China and states in the Middle East (and possibly even Europe) who share the China’s ambivalence toward American power.

Richard Weitz (2008: 51) mentioned that Central Asia represents the geographic region where the security interests of China and Russia most overlap. However, this shared security interests mean that the newly independent states of Central Asia, such as: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, have not become venues for rivalry between Moscow and Beijing, but rather major unifying elements in Chinese-Russian relations.

With the weakening influence of Russia in the independent state in Central Asia, in this paper, the author would like to describe about how are the current Russia presence and influence in the region, especially its contestation with China as newly leading economic power, especially in terms of economics, energy and security issues.

Economic Potential in Central Asia

To understand how Russia and China interest in Central Asia, firstly we should understand what the importance of this region is. Central Asia has emerged as one of the world’s fastest growing regions since the late 1990s and has shown notable development potential, that is significant for a region comprising largely of small landlocked economies with no access to the sea for trade.

Dowling and Wignaraja (2006: 16) mentioned four advantages of the region. First, the region contains a significant base of the world’s natural resources (including oil, natural gas, gold, and other metals) and its economic prospects are closely linked to international commodity prices. Second, from geopolitical perspective, it is strategically positioned as a gateway between Europe and Asia and offers extensive potential for trade, investment, and growth.

Third, the region spans a vast geographical area, with widely differing natural conditions. Many economies are landlocked and have harsh climates, both of which impose large transactions costs on economic activity. Fourth, all the economies have had a legacy of socialist-oriented economic policies and several have embarked on market-oriented reforms emphasizing macroeconomic stabilization, trade openness, and private sector development.

Russia Interest in Central Asia

With this situation, Russian puts its economic goals in Central Asia that includes; ensuring its firms participate in developing the region’s energy resources and Central Asian oil and gas exporters continue to use Russian pipelines. Russian companies and business groups control much of the transportation systems for Central Asia’s oil , gas and electricity.

Richard Weitz (2008: 52-53) mentioned that Central Asia’s landlocked states still heavily rely on the Russia’s transportation, communications, supply-chain and other networks. It relates to the legacy of the integrated Soviet economy. The manufacturers from this region remain similarly dependent on Russian spare parts, technology and services. In other words, Central Asia is an area of special Russian influence. Furthermore, much Russian influence and assistance in Central Asia is legitimate and vital, such as: over drug-trafficking, illegal migration and some forms of security cooperation. Russia has genuine security interests in Central Asia, but it would be more convincing if it did not play the security card when no such threat exists (Nixey, 2012: 8).

In other side, many Russian companies still rely on Central Asian suppliers for essential natural resources, equipment, and other inputs. Russian firms have made some progress in developing suppliers in Russia to replace or supplement sources in other former Soviet states. The recent surge in world oil and gas prices has facilitated a major resurgence of Russian public and private investment in Central Asia.

Although most of Central Asian countries are landlocked and have historically depended on the Russia Federation for trade linkages, the growing forces of globalization will be increasingly important for the future trade prospects for this region (Dowling and Wignaraja, 2006: 82). But, for at least the next few years, Russia will continue to derive soft power from its Soviet legacy.

China Interest in Central Asia

Historically, China had ties for centuries with Central Asia, but since the 19th century, Soviet control of the region severed these relations and contacts (Weitz, 2008: 54). After the collapsing of USSR in 1991, China has reemerged as a major player in the region. China provides the Central Asian states vital non-Russian transportation routes through which the states can interact with international markets (Burles, 1999: xi).

Most importantly, China’s growing energy needs represent another force driving its increased interest and involvement in Central Asia. China’s growing interest in securing Central Asia oil and gas could lead Beijing to reconsider its policy of regional deference. Richard Weitz (2008) argued that with the combination of a booming economy and declining domestic energy production, it results China’s importation of an increasingly large percentage of its oil and natural gas. Chinese policy makers have sought to enhance their access to energy resources from Central Asia, as well as Russia (Weitz, 2008: 56).

Another concern of China in Central Asia is its economic relations and cross border trade with Central Asia countries. Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) is one of six autonomous regions in China. Its location in China’s western border, make Xinjiang become special in the eye of central government in Beijing. Xinjiang has unique geopolitical situation, where it becomes the frontier of China with Central Asia. China views Xinjiang as a continental bridge which extends China’s reach to Central Asia and simultaneously serves as a buffer to China proper (Warikoo, 2011).

Xinjiang is susceptible to various influences and has had a history of interaction with Russia and Russia’s central Asian republics, which is an economic advantage for China. But in other side it also becomes a serious liability. China’s program to develop the west and Xinjiang’s economic viability hinges on trade with near neighbors. However, as China moves to create infrastructure to integrate Xinjiang into the region, it created an undesired influences into the province.

In order to develop Xinjiang economy, China government also tries to expand its economic influence to Central Asia. Warikoo (2011) explained that central government created special economic zones to facilitate cross border trade of Xinjiang with adjoining Central Asian Republics, in a manner that most of the business and trade remain in the hands of Chinese. Xinjiang also used as a spring board to penetrate and influence Central Asian economy, polity and society (Warikoo, 2011: 181).

Shared Russian – Chinese Interest

Central Asia perhaps represents the geographic region where the security interests of China and Russia most intersect. Russia and China often compete for Central Asian energy supplies and commercial opportunities. These two governments share a desire to limit instability in the region (Weitz, 2008: 60).

The fact that now the countries of Central Asia still remain economically and politically oriented toward Moscow, albeit to varying degrees. This orientation is the product of Russia’s long domination of the region. But, with the declining of Russian power, Burles argued that China’s influence in Central Asia will be growing. The countries of Central Asia, even regions within individual countries, are slowly reorienting themselves in directions more appropriate to their geographic position, political conditions, and economic needs (Burles, 1999: 51).

China has never expressed any interest in spreading influence when formulating its own policies into Central Asia. However, as China’s economic, political and military power grows, this behavior toward deeper involvement of China in Central Asian affairs is likely to change. As it mentioned before, China’s main policy priorities involve avoiding instability in the region, securing access to energy resources and expanding economic cooperation.

The issue of ethnic separatism and terrorism in their border territories become the major concern of these countries in terms of security. China opposes the spread of extremism movement in Central Asia and supports the region’s security. Beijing’s primary motivation for this action is to minimize the potential for instability emerging in the region that might threaten its domestic stability and economic development (Burles, 1999: xi).

Another issue on regional stability and security is the US military presence in Central Asia, which creates the government of both Russia and China feel clearly uneasy. The regional instability following from the US invasion of Iraq that have seen the deposition of pro-Moscow governments around Russia’s borders have led many influential Russian to see the US presence as a major source of instability in its own rights (Weitz, 2008: 61). Russian and Chinese leaders have avoided directly challenging the American military presence in Central Asia. Despite the overlapping interests of Russia and China, their policies in the Central Asia region still frequently conflict.

As for the energy issues, in some respects, China and Russia should be natural energy partners. Chinese energy demand is soaring and Russia’s oil and gas deposits lie much closer to China than the more distant energy sources Africa and the Persian Gulf (Weitz, 2008: viii).

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization

The overlapping security interests between Russia and China have manifested themselves most visibly in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Weitz, 2008: 65). The making of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is become one of the ways to accelerating regional integrations and cooperation between Russian, China and Central Asia countries.

SCO started in 1996 and 1997, when Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan signed a document that established the ‘Shanghai Five’ to deal with border delimitation and fostering trust and good neighborly relations between the five countries. Then in June 2001 Uzbekistan joined the ‘Shanghai Five’ and then they signed the Declaration on the Establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Kalra and Saxena, 2007). Since its founding, SCO has essentially functioned as a Chinese-Russian condominium that provides Beijing and Moscow with a convenient multilateral framework to manage their interests in the newly independent countries of Central Asia (Weitz, 2008: 65).

SCO engages the Central Asian nations with Russia and China in the region, also observer countries, such as Afghanistan, Mongolia, India, Pakistan and Iran. The aim of SCO is not only about security and balance of power, but also focusing on economic and social integration of the region and has gone to great lengths to create confidence in its desire to promote prosperity and cooperation (Kalra and Saxena, 2007). The goals of the SCO are to encourage trade links, social and political cooperation, find joint solutions to problems of environment, infrastructure, education, and to build scientific and cultural links between member states, the region as a whole and internationally. The future of the SCO lays more and more in the realm of economic and social issues.

However, since 2003 the SCO has sponsored a number of anti-terrorist exercises that involve paramilitary as well as intelligence and law enforcement personnel. China and Kyrgyzstan in 2002 conducted the first bilateral anti-terror exercise within the SCO framework.

Closing

With the weakening of Russia, its influence in Central Asia is declining. This reality becomes a great chance for China to take over Russia’s influence in the region. However, Russia still has a dominant energy presence in Central Asia. Interesting argument from Nixey (2012) it mentioned that if the most Central Asian given a choice between dominion by Russia or by China, they would currently choose Russia. It shows that China should be patient to take this chance fully. The situation might be more complicated with the presence of the US military base in Central Asia, which can disturb the balance of power.

For China, influence in the Central Asia is a means to achieve other domestic and foreign policy objectives such as securing energy resources. But for Russia, influence is, at least in part, an end in itself (Nixey, 2012).

References

• Burles, Mark. (1999). Chinese Policy toward Russia and the Central Asian Republics. California; RAND Project Air Force.
• Central Asia Program. (2012). The Future of Russia’s Involvement in Central Asia. Central Asia Policy Forum No. 3, December 2012. Retrieved from; http://www.centralasiaprogram.org/images/Policy_Forum_3,_December_2012.pdf, accessed on: June 20th, 2013
• Dowling, Malcolm and Wignaraja, Ganeshan. (2006). Central Asia’s Economy: Mapping Future Prospects to 2015. Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, Johns Hopkins University-SAIS. Retrieved from: http://www.silkroadstudies.org/new/docs/Silkroadpapers/0607Wignaraja.pdf, accessed on November 12th, 2012
• Kalra, Prajakti and Saxena, Siddharth S. (2007). Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and Prospects of Development in the Eurasia Region. Turkish Policy Quarterly, Volume 6 Number 2. Retrieved from: http://www.turkishpolicy.com/images/stories/2007-02-centraleurasia/TPQ2007-2-kalra+saxena.pdf, accessed on June 14th, 2013
• Nixey, James. (2012). The Long Goodbye: Waning Russian Influence in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. Russia and Eurasia Programme, June 2012. Retrieved from: http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/Research/Russia%20and%20Eurasia/0612bp_nixey.pdf, accessed on: June 20th, 2013
• Warikoo, K (ed.). (2011). Religion and Security in South and Central Asia (page 164 – 182). London: Routledge
• Weitz, Richard. (2008). China-Russia Security Relations: Strategic Parallelism without Partnership or Passion?. Strategic Studies Institute. Pennsylvania; U.S. Army War College.

Dear all my Muslim friends, sisters and brothers

EID MUBARAK ! 1 Syawal 1434 Hijriyah

تَقَبَّلَ اللّهُ مِنَّ وَ مِنْكُمْ صِيَمَنَا وَ صِيَمَكُمْ كُلُّ عَامٍ وَ أَنْتُمْ بِخَيْر

Semoga segala amal dan ibadah selama Ramadhan kita diterima dan bernilai di mata Allah swt, serta semoga kita diperkenankan untuk berjumpa kembali dengan Ramadhan berikutnya. aamiin

Mohon maaf lahir dan batin atas semua khilaf selama ini.

Salam hangat dari keluarga besar saya untuk rekan-rekan semua ^^

PS: Khususnya untuk Ayahanda dan Ibunda, selamat ulang tahun pernikahan yaaa ! 8 Agustus 1982 – 8 Agustus 2013. Smoga senantiasa berkah, sakinah, mawaddah wa rahmah. Baarakallahulakum… (hug… XD)